When unwelcome developments in Hungary are discussed, the growing popularity of Jobbik is often invoked, and the excesses of this far right nationalist party sometimes overshadow the less blatant, but still disturbing, actions and policies of the ruling Fidesz party. Hungary’s new press and media law has been widely criticised on the grounds that it hands over too much control to the government. Although pressure on Hungary has led to amendments softening the new law’s impact, many still feel it represents a blow against free expression:
CPJ analysis found that the law holds ambiguous language meant to be interpreted and applied by Hungary’s Media Authority. The law states that journalists must respect “public morality” and “human dignity” or face punishing fines, reports RSF.
Covering print, broadcast and print media, the law stipulates massive fines and penalties (up to suspension of programming) for various media outlets found in violation of the law, and imposes excessive registration requirements, says CPJ. It regulates domestic media content, and is also directed at content “aimed at the territory of Hungary.”
RSF points out that the amendments made to the law still do not ensure that journalists’ sources will be protected, and media can be banned for breaking the law.
Some have perceived the hand of a government intolerant of criticism in recent steps against prominent Hungarian academics. A campaign has been launched to defend five Hungarian philosophers who have been accused of financial malfeasance in connection with four separate research projects. It has been suggested that these attacks are politically motivated, and that these scholars have been targeted because of their liberal views.
One of the accused is Agnes Heller, a distinguished philosopher, and an outspoken critic of Victor Orbán, the leader of Fidesz and current Prime Minister of Hungary. The others are Mihaly Vidaly, the former director of the Institute for Philosophical Research at the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, György Geréby, professor of medieval studies at the Central European University in Budapest; Sándor Radnóti, professor of philosophy at the Eotvos Loránd University in Budapest; and György Gábor, former deputy director at the Hungarian Academy of Sciences’ Institute of Philosophy, who now teaches at the Budapest University of Jewish Studies.
Although it is difficult to evaluate the validity of any charges against them, it is important to note that they seem to have been singled out in an arbitrary manner:
Speaking at a meeting at the French Parliament, [Professor Geréby] pointed out that two of the accused were just team members rather than directors of their projects, and insisted that all the disputed funds had been given to “scientific institutions and not individuals”.
Budgets had been submitted in advance and subsequently audited, Professor Geréby said, and the projects had employed dozens of young scientists over a period of three years and had led to the publication of articles and books as well as public conferences.
Heller identifies anti-Semitism behind these attack, suggesting that the campaign has sought to associate Jewish philosophers with wastefulness, or worse.
She firmly defends herself and her colleagues in the Italian daily La Repubblica
The political aim of this criminalisation is to intimidate critical voices, particularly those of philosophers. They want to force the intellectuals to be wary, and so silence them. … We are witnessing a cultural battle, an offensive by those in power against the intellectuals. The majority of the cultural elite has already been ‘eliminated’.”
Hat tip: THE
